The Vedda people have been recognized as a distinct human group due to their cultural and biological uniqueness. Today, the majority of this group, who self-identify as Vedda, speak an Indo-European language and no longer rely on hunting and gathering as their primary means of subsistence. They are now considered a group that is culturally and biologically diminishing due to assimilation with the main populations of the country namely, the Sinhalese, Tamils, and others. This assimilation process has impacted their traditional cultural systems and given rise to admixed cultural and biological features.
Ancient chronicles and historical accounts describe the Veddas as descendants of Princess Kuweni’s children (a Yakka queen mentioned in ancient chronicles). Contrary to this popular legend, some sources suggest they descend from a group led by Prince Malaya Raja (Prince of Malayadesha in India), who arrived at the beginning of the Anuradhapura Period (377 BC to 1017 AD). Archaeological evidence of prehistoric humans found in various parts of the country also suggests an affinity, with some believing the Veddas to be descendants of prehistoric inhabitants of the island (with recent evidence dating back to 48,000 years before present).
The term “Vedda” is derived from the Sanskrit word Vyadha, meaning “one who pierces or wounds”—a hunter. Additionally, the word Pulinda is another synonym for Vedda that appears in early writings. Traditionally, they have been categorized into three groups: forest-dwelling Veddas, village-dwelling Veddas, and coastal Veddas. Today, only the village and coastal classifications have survived.
Before the arrival of the contemporary major communities, the Veddas inhabited most parts of the island. However, as the population of later arrivals expanded, the Veddas were pushed into the dry zones. Currently, only 10 to 14 Vedda groups remain, primarily located in the Eastern, Uva, and North Central Provinces—specifically in the districts of Moneragala, Ampara, Trincomalee, Batticaloa, Polonnaruwa, Anuradhapura, and Badulla.
As the government classifies the Veddas under the category of “other” in the national census—without recognizing them as a distinct ethnic community accurate population data is unavailable. However, recent studies estimate their population to be around 8,000.
The social organization of the Vedda people differs from the Sinhalese caste system. They are organized into clans known as “Varuga,” which appear to be based on mythical origin stories. Some well-known clans include Morana, Unapana, Namadwa, Uru, and Ambala.
The traditional religious beliefs of the Veddas fall under three main categories: (a) belief in Ne Yaku (kin demons) or cultural heroes who once served the community; (b) naturalized spirits from ancient times, such as Kiri Amma, the female counterpart; and (c) deities borrowed from the Sinhalese. Their belief system also shows connections with Hinduism. Religion is a central aspect of their culture, shaping all other cultural traits, particularly those tied to their relationship with the forest.
The first stage of resettlement occurred during the colonial period when Veddas were brought “out of the jungle” and settled near irrigation tanks. The second stage began after independence, when they were resettled and encouraged to take up paid labor. The final stage occurred during major development projects—such as the Mahaweli, Maduru Oya, and Gal Oya projects—in the 1970s and 1980s.
Although the decision-makers at the time considered these resettlements in newly developed areas to be a solution, the present condition of the Vedda people demonstrates that nothing could have been more detrimental than displacing them from their ancestral lands. They are currently in a transitional phase, having moved directly from a nomadic, hunter-gatherer lifestyle to slash-and-burn cultivation—bypassing the intermediate stage of animal domestication. This abrupt leap into modern society, without adequate socialization or preparation, has led to numerous problems and accelerated cultural change.
The older generation—who maintain the last link to traditional life do not hold much hope for the future of their younger generations. They see little promise in the circumstances they are currently facing.
Furthermore, resettlement lands were allocated only to married families. Since the initial relocations, hundreds of new families have emerged. Some continue to live in their parents’ houses, while others have built homes on the same small plots initially granted. As a result, multiple families now live in very small houses. The original half-acre plots given through development programs are now shared by two or three families, and some subfamilies still lack permanent housing.
The most common problems faced by these communities include poverty, alcoholism, low levels of education, unemployment, insufficient land for subfamilies, underage marriages, overwhelming microfinance debt, loss of both traditional and allocated lands (many have sold their paddy fields due to poverty), undernutrition, wild elephant attacks on homes and crops, vulnerability to kidney diseases, lack of participation in decision-making, limited political representation, and the absence of indigenous rights, land rights, and supportive policies.
Traditional “indigenous hunter-gatherers” no longer exist in Sri Lanka. The remaining indigenous groups are now at the brink of disappearance. They, too, are becoming part of the mainstream and are engaging with globalization, searching for a place in the modern world—since their traditional way of life is no longer sustainable. Therefore, new measures must be taken to protect these communities—not just the Sri Lankan indigenous people but all tribal, aboriginal, and indigenous groups around the world—by recognizing and preserving them as part of world heritage.
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